·观察·
全球事务
13 薛理泰（美国） 美中关系或面临拐点
30 Willy Lam “天安”号事件：中国与美国在亚太地区的竞争加剧
41 吉原都市（日本） 詹姆斯·R·霍尔姆斯（美国） 中国人如何看日本列岛
44 唐世平 联盟政治和中国的安全战略
转型
46 林春（英国） 也谈“中国模式”
53 方绍伟（美国） 产权国家论：经济发展的逻辑与“中国模式”的前景
67 谭青山（美国） 村级选举为什么没有大幅改善村级治理
案例研究
73 顾训中 上海富国皮革污染事件中环保NGO的积极作用
78 李波 马军 参与式环境冲突解决机制的NGO尝试
焦点
80 宗教自由与族群和谐之道
·智慧·
104 王海光 轻雷隐隐初惊蛰——胡耀邦与中央党校“三次路线斗争”大讨论（下）
115 丙丁 民盟“临大”——为把中国造成一个十足道地的民主国家设想蓝图
来信讨论
125 János Kornai（美国） 创新与活力——制度与技术进步的相互影响（下）
135 徐滇庆 拉丁美洲的民粹主义及其教训
143 秦晖 一个老知青看“民族命运与个人使命”
154 王贵秀 对“党的一元化领导”的反思
161 章立凡 迷失的现代化——鸦片战争以来的历史怪圈
书评
167 马戎 对苏联民族政策实践效果的反思——读萨尼教授的《历史的报复》（下）
读者之语
174 刘猛 城市化与契约精神
·格调·
176 陈逸飞笔下的婉约与雄浑
182 奢华舒适的“巨无霸”
186 拨开云雾见青天，2010中网最终尘埃落定
188 大隐百世传 盛世窖煌香
190 窖煌美酒赋
CONTENTS
Observation
Global Affairs
13 U.S.-China Relations May Be at a Turning Point
22 Security Situation in East Asia and China's Way Out
30 Clash of the Titans: Intensifying Contention between China and America in the Asia-Pacific Region
41 The Japanese Archipelago through Chinese Eyes
44 Alliance Politics and China's Security Strategy
Transition
46 "China Model" Revisited
53 The Logic of Economic Development and the Prospect of "China Model"
67 Why Village Election Has Not Much Improved Village Governance
Case Studies
73 The Positive Role of Environmental Protection NGOs in Pollution Incidents from Shanghai Richina Leather Company
78 The Role of NGOs in Participatory Resolution of Environmental Conflict
Focus
80 Minutes of the Conference on Religious Freedom and Ethnic Harmony
Wisdom
104 Hu Yaobang and Discussions in Central Party School on the History of Culture Revolution (II)
115 The Provisional Congress of China Democratic League in 1945
Letters
125 Interaction between Systems and Technical Progress (II)
135 Populism in Latin America
143 The Rusticated Youth in Mao Zedong Era
154 Reflection on the Concept of "Centralized Leadership of CCP"
161 A Trap of China's History since the Opium War
Book Review
167 Reflection on USSR's Policies Concerning Minority Nationalities (II)
Readers
174 Urbanization and the Spirit of Contract
Summary
"China Model" Revisited
If there is a normative Chinese model, it must aim at and also be measured by meeting the needs of the people, pursuing collective prosperity, and nurturing free development of individuals, rather than profits. The earlier discussion at the beginning of reform of the purposes of socialist production remains highly relevant today. As such China would have to change its growth pattern to replace developmentalist predicaments of industrialism, urbanization and consumerism with alternative and locally viable and beneficial development. This would further imply a rejection of "cheap labor" while promoting "surplus retention" and unalienated labor in the long run. A high order indeed, it is however determined by the moral definition of socialism as much as the harsh reality of international constraints. After all, unlike and against old capitalist colonial expansion, China cannot seek ecological relief or resource extraction through any expansionist policies.
Clash of the Titans: Intensifying Contention between China and America in the Asia-Pacific Region
Beijing's obsession with energy supplies to feed its industrialization means that oil and gas figure prominently in China's ODI agenda. Given the finite nature of these reserves, global competition in this area is essentially a zero-sum game. And it is not difficult to envisage the intensifying rivalry between Chinese and American companies in bidding wars for oilfields in areas ranging from the Middle East to Africa. In 2009, China's three oil monopolies - China National Petroleum Corp (Petrochina), China Petrochemical Corp (Sinopec) and China National Offshore Oil Corp (CNOOC) - spent more than $18.2 billion in acquisitions of oilfields and related businesses. These hefty outlays, which included Petrochina's $7.22 billion purchase in June 2009 of the Canadian oil firm Addax - represented 13% of global ODI in this competitive sector. In the first four months of 2010, the three PRC monopolies spent $29 billion in worldwide acquisitions of oil and gas assets. Unlike Western multinationals - which need to worry about factors such as shareholders' views or public opinion - Chinese conglomerates can more effectively push the foreign-policy agenda of the CCP leadership.
Why Village Election Has Not Much Improved Village Governance
In poor villages, VC officials lacked resources to do anything for their villagers. In villages that have resources, the village account is subject to the management by township government under the scheme of "cuncai xiangguan" (entrusting village accounts to township management). In others, village self-government has been paralyzed due to power struggle between village committees and village Party committees. Township and county governments often preempt village power by taking over the control of land use and playing the role of "land dealers". Theoretically, village land is collectively owned by the whole village and only village committees, in consultation with villagers, can make decisions over village land. In reality, township and county governments make decisions for villagers over commercialization of village land, thus depriving villages a vital resource for village governance.
